The governor of Minnesota was ready to call it quits last fall, near the end of yet another stormy year. Arne Carlson had all but decided that the job he had long desired, and had obtained miraculously in 1990, was not worth seeking again in 1994.
DFLers in control of the Legislature were fighting him at nearly every step, and getting the best of him too often. The bungled vetoes of his first year still stung. His own Independent-Republican Party continued to snub him, despite his overtures. The editorialists and talk-show personalities, including his ex-wife, Barbara, were a source of deep and constant pain. "My thought at that time was not to run again, that the stress, the pressure, the lack of sleep, the criticism, you know, that it's not going to relent," Carlson said in a recent interview.
But quitting isn't his style, and Carlson eventually was persuaded to seek a second term, partly, he said, by his wife, Susan.
A rosy economic forecast in November sealed the decision, aides say, and made him want to try to enjoy some sunshine after years of fiscal clouds. But his reluctance and near abdication say something about Arne Carlson that those close to him have long known and outsiders sometimes sense: For much of his first term he has been uncomfortable and unhappy in his job. He's been frustrated by an inability to build a true rapport with the populace, to drum up the feeling that he's on top of things and that he's in sync with the citizens.
"The people I talk to will say things like, `I like Arne, he's OK.' But there's no passion among voters who are not partisan,' " said Dave Jennings, a former IR House speaker.
Most who know him agree that Carlson is a bit of a pill, downright unpleasant too much of the time. But his friends insist that he is a decent man whose real problem is that he is a loner and a private person in the most public job in the state.
"He is a very private person, very shy," said Mary Thomas, who worked for Carlson for 15 1/2 years, most recently as assistant to the governor. "His friends are well-chosen. He doesn't talk to a lot of people."
Though Carlson, 59, had been an elected official almost continuously since 1965, and was perhaps better prepared than most to assume the job, he was by his own admission completely unprepared for the cameras and reporters always poking into his office and residence.
"All of a sudden people who have called you Arne are suddenly calling you governor," Carlson says, still marveling at his notoriety.
Most politicians are social people, gregarious and comfortable among strangers, touching them and embracing them, always seeking attention and approval and feeding on it. But Carlson, friend and foe agree, simply does not know how to light that spark.
While he can deliver articulate speeches to crowds with passion and skill, Carlson is uncomfortable making small talk in an unfamiliar group. To those who do not know him, he appears to lack warmth, or to be downright rude and nasty, utterly lacking in tact.
An example: Early in his administration, Carlson took a call as a guest on WCCO-AM from a Willmar resident who criticized him for shortchanging west central Minnesota with his budget cuts.
Carlson, never at a loss for words and always in command of facts and figures, cut down his antagonist with a withering response.
"I want to know what Willmar's going to do to help the state," he rejoined, adding his trademark horse-laugh that is often inappropriate to the topic at hand. "Omigosh, what a question! I think you people have a pipeline to the treasury in St. Paul. We're already committing funds to expand your college out there. We've got a loan that's currently on hold, we've got other projects. I'm trying to recall correctly, you people have what, about $40 million in capital projects. And then you ask the question, are we being punitive? Hahahahahaha!"
The caller, and many other listeners, might have concluded that the governor had his facts straight but that he also was a bit of a jerk, certainly not a very nice guy.
His family and friends say it's just not true.
The Carlson office is a good place to work, according to current and former employees. It is gender- and race-neutral, and anybody, regardless of position, can bring ideas to the table, they say.
"He is a man who inspires personal loyalty," said Cyndy Brucato, his former press secretary and now communications director for the reelection campaign.
He does have a temper, a legendary tornadolike thing that staff and associates say passes quickly.
"When he gets mad at somebody or something, he lets go of it. He doesn't hold grudges," Thomas said.
"I never felt abused by the guy," said another former press secretary, Tim Droogsma. "I had to listen to some tirades, but nothing that doesn't come with the turf there."
If Carlson is not rubbing people the wrong way, he's simply not rubbing them at all. Reports abound of Carlson wasting ideal opportunities to glad-hand and make friends by standing alone, arriving late or leaving early from public functions, even fund-raisers.
Droogsma is among many current and former aides who say this reticence is at the root of his political troubles.
"That inability to warm to people on an individual basis is at the root of why he has a problem with the party. By being unable to relate to [party activists] and demonstrate some care and concern, he made the whole Quist thing much more possible," he said.
This reticence is sometimes interpreted - mistakenly, his aides say - as laziness. DFLers and IR leaders alike have frequently accused Carlson of spending too much time at his Wisconsin cabin, of not working hard, of refusing to put in the endless hours and nonstop politicking that so often produced success for extroverts such as Hubert Humphrey, Rudy Boschwitz and Paul Wellstone.
But his day starts early, often with 7:30 a.m. breakfast staff meetings at the governor's residence. He is up much earlier, reading newspapers, sometimes to the consternation of staffers who are roused from sleep to hear the governor complain about a story.
The underlying cause of Carlson's hard-edged shyness and the major shaper of his personality, say some intimate friends, is his insecurity, rooted in a poor upbringing and keen class consciousness.
His spectacularly gregarious ex-wife, talk-show phenom Barbara Carlson, who has embarrassed him repeatedly by revealing such things as their pet name for a certain body part, has singled out his insecurity as his most important characteristic. So does Droogsma, and both of these former partners consider themselves big fans.
"I always thought that that was an immense part of his psychological makeup, that he had a real craving just to prove that he belonged," Droogsma said. "When he met with CEOs or when he met with editorial boards, it was almost as if he had to constantly prove to himself that he belonged in those circles."
Carlson isn't afraid to talk about the "raw poverty" of his youth, and he's not the first politician to seize as much advantage as possible from a Lincolnesque background.
When challenged about his social policies, Carlson talks with an attitude about growing up as the son of Swedish immigrants in New York City in the 1930s, about living in a "one-room tar-paper shack with one water pipe coming out and no bathroom."
Over the years, the Carlson family has divulged all kinds of grimy details of those days, of eating on crates, using a single pan as cookware and dinnerware, killing rats to protect the babies, his mother's triple shifts as a waitress, about mixing with upper-crust kids who lived in the building where his father was a janitor.
Carlson, of course, made it out of the Bronx, and in style. His natural smarts and hard work won him scholarships to prestigious Choate, a preparatory school in Connecticut, and Williams College, an elite school in Massachusetts. He got top grades, majoring in history, which he still diligently reads, and distinguished himself in journalism and public speaking, overcoming a severe stutter.
The promising young blond man came to the Midwest, where so many of his kinsmen had immigrated, in the late 1950s, to attend graduate school at the University of Minnesota. In politics, he was at first a supporter of the DFL godfather, Hubert Humphrey. But he eventually joined the liberal-moderate Republican crowd that was still influential in Minneapolis politics, and he was elected in 1965 to the City Council.
A key influence that moved Carlson from Humphrey Democrat to Eisenhower Republican was Gov. Elmer L. Andersen, whom Carlson got to know shortly after arriving in Minnesota.
Carlson from the start exhibited a rough, win-at-any-cost style in politics. He obtained his first office partly on the strength of a grossly distorted piece of campaign literature accusing his opponent, incumbent Dick Franson, of voting for a big tax increase. Carlson narrowly averted being thrown out of office by the state Supreme Court, escaping on a technicality, and he has had a reputation as a brass-knuckle politician ever since.
Carlson moved on to serve six years as a state legislator, making a mark in the House as a garrulous floor debater, and 12 years as state auditor, where he fashioned a reputation as a watchdog over local governments. City and county officials have noted since that Carlson was more of a nit-picker than a public policy maven and was not a big critic of systemic overspending by local governments until he became governor.
Carlson's success as a politician was not always mirrored by a placid home life. He and Barbara Carlson were married for 12 years, raising two children and serving as foster parents to five. They divorced, and his next marriage, to Joanne Chabot, ended after five years.
He has been married to Susan Carlson for 11 years and adopted her daughter, Jessica, as an infant. He recently became a grandparent to Alexandra Carlson Davis, the child of his and Barbara's daughter, Anne.
Throughout his career, Carlson has been lifted up and given support by wealthy people, and he has stayed loyal to this old-money nobility, and they to him. Like many who have made their way out of poverty, Carlson sometimes seems to have less sympathy for the poor than those who have never known it. He frequently has said that Minnesota's successful people have been persecuted.
Carlson sounds almost like Calvin Coolidge in his adamant position that the business of Minnesota is business. He recently told the Edina Rotary Club, for instance, that "the first objective of government ought to be that we have a growing, healthy, flourishing private sector."
The Minnesota Constitution sets forth a broader view of state government, namely the "security, benefit and protection of the people." It says nothing about the protection or promotion of commerce, profits or business growth.
But he retains progressive sensibilities, too. Carlson has acknowledged that business isn't always right about everything. One of themes of speeches early in his term was that much had been lost to the "greed" of the 1980s, usually understood to be private-sector failures, fraud, speculative investment and excessive profit-taking.
It can't be forgotten, too, that Carlson has been a consistent and courageous backer of women's rights, minorities' rights and even gay and lesbian rights, and it's been the source of much of his political trouble.
Moreover, DFLers have not been able to destroy him with the label of cake eating tool of the rich, partly because his personal habits and tastes are not pretentious. Carlson's favorite luxuries are weekends with his family at his modest cabin and watching sporting events on TV, and one can't get more proletarian and Minnesotan than that.
"Arne still believes that there are injustices and that people need help, but he believes the help can't continue forever," Barbara Carlson said, summing up his life and philosophy. "He has the heart of a Democrat along with the realism of a Republican."
Opposed to additional restrictions on handgun ownership. Does not believe capital punishment will deter crime. Favors early childhood programs to turn youth away from crime. ``However, where families and programs fail, the criminal justice system must be equipped to take dangerous predators off the streets.''
Jobs: What steps would you take to create more and better jobs? What would you do to address the growing disparity between the affluent and the working poor?
Will continue pushing for workers' compensation reform to reduce the premiums paid by businesses. Sees balancing the state budget without raising taxes as the best way to keep jobs in Minnesota. ``The most critical contribution the public sector can make to the Minnesota economy is to improve the preparation of our young people for the job market, as well as those displaced by structural changes in the economy.'' Will push for higher high school graduation standards and school-business training partnerships.
Gambling: In your view, does Minnesota have enough forms of gambling, or would you support off-track betting and video gaming in bars?
I would prefer a moratorium on new forms of gambling. In the case of off track betting, Minnesotans will have the right to vote on that issue in November.
Families: What ideas do you have for making day care more accessible and affordable, and for strengthening families? ``Holding the line on taxes for middle-class and low-income families is one way that my administration has worked to strengthen families and put more money in their household budgets, so that they can afford day care and other services.'' Signed legislation providing tax credits for low-income working families; expanded tax credits for two-parent families in which one parent stays home to take care of children; increased funding for Head Start; created a Children's Cabinet to streamline state services.
Taxes: State and local governments in Minnesota spend about 21 percent of personal income. What will happen to that figure under your administration? Should Minnesota's tax structure be more progressive, placing higher taxes on the rich than the poor?
``State spending has slowed under my administration and it has grown slower than personal income... The Department of Finance reports that since 1991, the annual rate of spending growth has slowed to 5 percent, down from 8 percent during the prior administration... I believe the percentage of personal income that Minnesotans spend on state and local governments should certainly be no higher than the current level... My emphasis will be on reducing taxes for everyone. I will not tolerate general tax increases.
Education: Would you move forward on the initiative to establish an outcome based education system in the state? Would you reduce schools' reliance on property taxes? If so, what revenue source would you propose? How would you make tuition at Minnesota public colleges and universities more affordable?
Wants to set higher standards for high school graduation, but says ``the question of how we get there is best left to individual communities.'' ``I support the implementation of measurable and rigorous academic standards, and I believe that teachers and schools must be allowed to use whatever method of teaching works best for them. Some districts have had success with outcome based education, but other districts strongly reject it. Though I prefer traditional teaching methods, I believe local school districts must use whatever methods work to achieve results for their students.'' Wants to raise state aid but only by overhauling property tax system. Will push for state aid to low- and middle-income families for higher education.
Agriculture: Would you favor stricter controls on run-off of agricultural fertilizers and pesticides?
Supports ``sustainable agriculture'' to break reliance on chemicals; administration introduced $34 million program to address water quality problems caused by runoff, with $20 million designated for low-interest loans to farmers and rural landowners to upgrade feedlots and implement other conservation measures.
Abortion: Should the state's existing laws on abortion be changed? Do you favor requiring a 24-hour waiting period before a woman can get an abortion?
``I believe that existing laws regulating abortions do a good job of balancing the individual rights of women and the interests of the state. Given the gravity of the decision, however, I believe that a reasonable waiting period, such as 24 hours, is justified.''
Corporate aid: Should the state provide financial assistance to companies such as Northwest Airlines and the Minnesota Timberwolves to guarantee employment or to keep them from moving?
``When the loss of jobs has been threatened, my administration has taken the lead in helping businesses stay competitive, and stay in Minnesota. Our efforts to ensure the survival of Northwest Airlines, to reopen the National Steel plant on the Iron Range and to keep the Timberwolves in Minnesota are examples. The 161,000 new jobs created since 1991, along with the lowest unemployment rate in 16 years, are persuasive evidence that the business climate is getting better.''
Health care: If Minnesota keeps moving forward with its own universal health care program, rather than waiting for the federal government, how would you fund it?
``Given the partisan bickering that has marked the political struggle nationally and in most states, we have sustained a remarkable bipartisan policymaking approach in Minnesota... I have been publicly critical of the Clinton health plan, precisely because of funding mechanisms that shift costs to the states. I have urged President Clinton to go slow and learn from the experience of states like Minnesota.''
Welfare: How would you change the state's welfare system, if at all?
Proposes eliminating cash benefits for the first six months to parents who apply for welfare. Instead, will offer job placement, affordable health care and transportation. Proposes requiring teenage mothers to live with their parents as a condition of receiving any help, except in cases of abuse. Proposes a more rigorous paternity identification system in large public hospitals and the enactment of stronger child support enforcement laws. Says aid to parents after two years should be cut off if they refuse to work or participate in job training.
Leadership: What special qualities of leadership do you bring to the office you are seeking?
``I bring a solid record of accomplishment over the past four years and the proven ability to get things done _ to set a vision, come up with a plan and execute that plan... I know what it takes to make sure that state government lives within its means. After inheriting a $2 billion budget deficit from the previous administration, I immediately began making the tough decisions to develop a plan to bring the state budget back into balance. I had the courage to use the power of the veto to implement the plan, and as a result Minnesota currently has the luxury of a budget surplus... I am determined to make sure Minnesota continues to live within its means, and to grow jobs in Minnesota.''